Is the Syrian Government trying to provoke sectarianism?
by an Anonymous Syrian, living in Syria
March 20, 2006

One of the central policies of the Baath Party from its inception has been to build “true” national consciousness and to treat all Syrians, regardless of their religious background, as equals. This is a laudable goal. It is why the Baath Party won many supporters among Syria’s minorities and even among the Sunni majority. Every Syrian with the slightest notion of our land’s painful history, knows the price Syria has paid for its religious divisions. Indeed, the main factor legitimizing the present Baathist government is its promise to protect Syria from the run-away sectarianism that has been the cause of such suffering and weakness in Lebanon and more recently in Iraq. But is the Baath party serving the cause of unity?

There have been a series of events which make one question the sincerity of the government's policy. First, the government’s lopsided foreign policy, which has lead up into such a close alliance with Iran is worrying. Many Syrians do not believe this is in the national interest. It deepens sectarian apprehensions in the country because one must wonder what concessions are being made to Iran.

Over the last 2-3 weeks, the Ministry of Islamic Trusts (Wazarat el-Awqaf) has banned religious lessons from being conducted in Mosques in Damascus. Mosques are now required to kick everyone out and close their doors after prayers. This is not the first time the government has done this. In reaction to the bitter experience with the Muslim Brotherhood during the early eighties, the government banned all educational activities conducted in mosques. This draconian policy did not end the desire of Muslims to study their religion, nor did it end the practice; it merely displaced it. Within a few years, religious classes were being held in homes around the large cities. As a result, the government reversed its policy, banning the lessons in private homes and reopening mosques to Qu’ran lessons. This way an undercover Mukhabarat agent could sit in and report back all activities. This has been the established routine for almost 20 years. The late Hafez Al-Assad even encouraged the establishment of Qu’ranic lessons in every mosque under the name of the Assad Institute for Teaching the Qu’ran. This policy made Syria a center of moderate Islam. Extremism was not taught in mosques. Syria’s native brand of Islam (moderate Sufism) was given a chance to flourish while other, more intolerant, varieties of Sunni Islam, such that of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and Saudi Wahhabism, were discouraged. Exceptions were rare.

About 20 days ago, the Minister of Awqaf re-imposed a ban on lessons in Mosques. Reportedly, Muhammad Habash, a sheikh and MP who is closely affiliated with the government, was expelled from a mosque for remaining inside it after prayers were finished. He was there to film a biography.

So far, this law has not included Aleppo, where Qu’ran lessons continue to be conducted in mosques, but people in Damascus are complaining bitterly about this new situation. This policy will be self-defeating, as it was twenty years ago. By halting the instruction of moderate Islam under the surveillance of the mukhabarat, the government will open the door for more radical versions of Islam.

Another event sure to kindle the flames of sectarianism has taken place in Raqqa. The Iranians have funded the construction of a huge Shiite shrine there. It was inaugurated a few days ago with a huge celebration called The Memory of the Battle of Siffin. It was at the battle of Siffin, near Raqqa, that Imam Ali was tricked by Mu’awiyya into suing for peace. Mu’awiyya’s troops raised Qu’rans on the ends of their spears to bring a halt to the fighting and demand mediation. Ali, who preferred conciliation, stopped the battle even though many claim he was winning. This pacifism let to infighting among his supporters. The Khawarij, or dissenters, who believed Ali had sinned by not letting God decide the outcome on the battlefield, denounced Ali and abandoned him. This left Ali’s forces weakened and vulnerable to the Umayyads claimed the Caliphate and established a new dynasty in Damascus, which was to ensure that Sunni Islam predominated throughout the Middle East.

Ever since, the Shi’at Ali, or partisans of Ali, have been persecuted underdogs in the Arab world. Celebrating the battle of Siffin in Syria is sure to exacerbate sectarian sensibilities at this time. The Iranian backed celebrants will criticize the Sunnis and praise Shiites. The government’s yielding to Itan in its desire to promote their version of Islam at this time does not seem to be the best thing to do to promote national unity.

This event along with the closure of mosques to lesson is putting the advocates of modernity into a real difficult position with their supporters. The average Sunni is wondering whether there is a systematic plan to erase him out. Radicals can now come in with a convincing argument.

Considering the current situation in Iraq and the surge of sectarianism in the region, this would seem the least wise thing to do at this time. The event is being done at a time when Sunnis in Damascus are prevented from enjoying the kind of freedom enjoyed for the past 20 years.

Meanwhile, Aleppo is celebrating its status as Capital of Islamic Culture, but the emphasis of the celebrations are largely on Aleppo, the city, and not on it’s Islamic Culture. There has been some grumbling in the city about this.

These events raise a few questions: Is the government trying to suffocate moderate Sunnis? It is hard not to believe that by driving Islamic lessons underground, Takfiri groups will sprout up in ever greater abundance. Would such a rise in radicalism (indirectly instigated by the government) give the government reasons to stop the current demand for greater political freedom? Is the government trying to play the Sunni - Alawi game to divide the country once more along sectarian lines? Has Syria leaned so far toward Iran that it must appease it on the religious question? These are a few of the questions that Syrians are asking themselves.